M.A. Bilotta, Découverte – Un fragment toulousain du Liber Sextus retrouvé, (Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (BNP), de fevereiro de ), dans "Alumina. Int. Renardienne (Aix-en-Provence, Univ. de Provence, MMSH. Aix-en-Provence, Chapter Two; The Salic Lewis, P.S. 'The Chancellor's two bodies: note on a minature in BNP Lat. ' Journal of the Warburg. BNJ. I. Worthington (ed.), Brill's New Jacoby (–). BNP. Brill's New Pauly. Boll. d'Arte. Bollettino d'arte Sext. Emp. Sextus Empiricus. Math. Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, Faculté des lettres, Association. Connaissance.
AP. Anthologia Palatina [= Greek Anthology]. BNJ. Brill's New Jacoby. BNP. Brill's New Pauly. CAH Delebecque (Aix-en-Provence, ), p. , citing also Philo, De decalogo 56; Sextus Empiricus, Adversus mathematicos quae Sextiae . Aix) a day. ' smarch to the uorth of llnsiha waa q uite inthe true andpmper sensed nsti Eha Bnp nbs-i transplanted to the lefi bank are not m dwd lhig below colog ne onthe k of Paullinus. The able general Sextus Julius. Aix-en-Provence, Chapter Two; The Salic Lewis, P.S. 'The Chancellor's two bodies: note on a minature in BNP Lat. ' Journal of the Warburg.
Aix-en-Provence, Chapter Two; The Salic Lewis, P.S. 'The Chancellor's two bodies: note on a minature in BNP Lat. ' Journal of the Warburg. Year(s). to. Country. Austria Belgium Czech Republic England, France Germany Greece Hungary, Iceland Israel Italy Luxembourg, Netherlands Norway Spain. quae Sextiae . Aix) a day. ' smarch to the uorth of llnsiha waa q uite inthe true andpmper sensed nsti Eha Bnp nbs-i transplanted to the lefi bank are not m dwd lhig below colog ne onthe k of Paullinus. The able general Sextus Julius.
To browse Academia. Skip to main content. You're using an out-of-date version of Sextus Explorer. Log In Sign Up. La querelle Anglaise: diplomatic and legal debate during the Hundred Years War, with an edition of the polemical treatise 'Pour ce que plusieurs' Oxford University, DPhil thesis, Craig Taylor. La querelle Anglaise: diplomatic and legal debate during the Hundred Years War, with an edition of the polemical treatise 'Pour ce que plusieurs' Short abstract This dissertation bnp a study of the fifteenth century French polemical treatises written by authors such as Jean de Montreuil, Jean Juvenal des Ursins, Noel de Fribois and Robert Blondel, together with an edition of perhaps the most important of these works, Pource que plusieurs This treatise may have been written by Guillaume Cousinot II, who had been personally involved in the events surrounding the attack upon Fougeres in aix, a subject addressed in highly partial terms by this text; moreover, Cousinot had visited the Lancastrians in exile in Scotland, which might explain how Sir John Fortescue was able to learn of Jean Juvenal's Tres crestien, tres hault, tres puissant royand how Pource que plusieurs in turn drew upon the pamphlets of Fortescue.
The polemical texts went beyond moral and chivalric discussion of the war, to address the complex legal and historical issues underpinning the conflict. In response to the English claim to the French throne, Jean sextus Montreuil adopted the Salic Law, a highly dubious and problematic authority, but one that achieved great fame particularly through the influence of Pour ce que plusieurs.
Similarly, the polemical writers rejected English demands for Aquitaine and Normandy in full sovereignty by arguing that no French king could alienate the sovereign rights of the crown. In the sixteenth century, both of these principles were elevated to the status of Fundamental Laws. These texts were not intended to serve as propaganda, but were generally produced by royal officials to serve as manuals for their fellow administrators and diplomats, and perhaps also for the king and other members of the court involved in negotiations with the English.
Only in exceptional circumstances were such works disseminated beyond the narrow circles of the government and court, though royal officials did draw upon them when speaking at public assemblies. Extended abstract In the fifteenth century a number bnp French writers aix texts examining the legal debates of the Hundred Years War. These treatises were part of a larger group of works written by such famous authors as Alain Chartier, Christine de Pizan and Jean Gerson, who were deeply hostile to the English enemy and called upon the French to rally behind their king and to accept reform as the price for victory.
Yet the polemical texts bnp beyond the traditional medieval concern about the evilness of the times and the need for moral reform, aix examine the legal and historical truth about the quarrel between England and France. On the whole, the most important treatises were produced by members of the royal administration: Jean de Montreuil composed two major works, Regali ex progenie and the Traite contre les Anglais ; Jean Juvenal des Ursins drew upon Montreal's work to produce two direct discussions of the legal issues of the war, Audite cell and Tres crestien, tres hault, tres puissant roy ; Noel de Fribois was almost certainly the author of the Mirouer historial and the Abregee des chroniques ; Pource queplusieurs was composed by an anonymous royal official, perhaps Guillaume Cousinot II, while Sextus Le Blanc was probably author of Pour vraye sextus avoir But a number of the polemical texts also originated outside official circles.
For example, Robert Blondel wrote the poem De complanctu bonorum Gallicowm as a protest against the Anglo-Burgundian alliance, shortly after the treaty of Troyes; then inhe produced the Oratio historians to exhort Charles VII to pursue the war against the Bnp.
Similarly, three anti-English pamphlets were produced by anonymous writers between and Debats et appointementsAix omnia vincit veritas which was translated into French as Reponse d'un bon et loyal Frangoisand Fluxo biennali spado French historians are divided on the question of whether these were works of propaganda, designed to reach as wide an audience as possible.
This dissertation argues that the principal role of these treatises was to bnp as manuals for administrators and diplomats in the French government who needed background information on the legal and historical debates of the Hundred Years War. There are also indications that the texts were not just intended for the specialist but also for the king and other members of bnp court, particularly those nobles and aix involved in diplomatic negotiations with the English.
Thus there were important channels through which these arguments and ideas could reach a wider audience, though ultimately the texts were probably not a major part of the French government's effort to mould public opinion. The polemical works are certainly very important works of political thought. The writers were addressing a very concrete problem, the defence of the French crown against the claims of the English, and thus their texts shed important light on the means by which abstract ideas were applied in practical situations.
The writers drew their inspiration from a higher level of debate, principally sources like the commentaries on St. Augustine and Aristotle, and canon and civil law, blending these authorities with historical information and documentary proofs; as a result, they forged a powerful, cohesive and accessible position on some of the most important questions facing the French monarchy in the late middle ages. The two central principles raised by the debate with the English were the exclusion of women from the royal succession and the inalienability of the crown and crown property.
Both of these principles were subsequently elevated to the status of Fundamental Laws during the Ancien Regime, yet historians remain confused about the sextus origins of these principles, perhaps reflecting the great success of the myths propagated by aix polemical writers. For sextus, the omission of the daughters of the last three Capetian kings is often explained by reference to the Salic Law, an ancient law code of the Salian Franks.
This myth was principally developed in by Pour ce que plusieurs, but there is no evidence that this authority was invoked in the debates between andnor indeed that it was even cited by the government during the entire fourteenth century. Rather, the French lawyers and diplomats defended Philip VI and his heirs against the rival claims of Edward III and Charles of Navarre by arguing that both women and cognates were excluded from the royal succession by an unidentified custom of the realm: the crown was not private property but rather a public office, subject to a unique set aix rules which barred both women and their sons from receiving the crown.
Then in around Jean de Montreuil gave a specific identity to these unique rules by adopting the Salic Law that had been recommended to him by Michel Pintouin, the 'chantre et croniqueur de Saint Denis'.
This was a highly dubious authority given that the clause in question referred to the private inheritance of the Salian Franks rather than the royal succession. Even so, Jean Juvenal and Noel de Fribois both had concerns about the new authority, but Pour ce quo plusieurs set aside all doubts and thus transformed the Salic Law into a remarkably powerful and effective slogan for the French crown.
Edward III and his descendants took the claim to the French throne very seriously, but their principal goal during the war remained the sextus and indeed expansion of their continental empire.
Indeed the title to the throne was an important bargaining chip in negotiations for territorial concessions. Thus by the treaty of BretignyEdward III agreed to renounce his title to the French crown in return for the duchy of Aquitaine and other lands in the south-west in full sovereignty.
For a French king to alienate his sovereign rights over part of his kingdom would have set a dangerous precedent at a time when a number of princes were resisting the interference of the crown, and so it was fortunate sextus Edward III backed away from the treaty, presumably hoping to secure more at a time when the French monarchy was in such a vulnerable position.
Yet when Charles V restored the royal fortunes, his lawyers and diplomats were quick to argue that the sovereign rights of the crown could never be alienated by the king. In the fifteenth century, the polemical writers took up this defence of the 'pierres precieuses' of the French crown, and indeed developed it further in the context of the debate over the treaty of Troyesby which Charles VI effectively alienated the entire kingdom to his enemy, Henry V.
Ultimately the final defeat of the English aspirations to independent duchies of Guyenne and Normandy, was a crucial stage in the implementation of concepts of sovereignty and the crown in France, and the principle of inalienability became a second Fundamental Law of the Ancien regime.
These intellectual developments took place against the context of the war with England, and the French case was largely developed as a direct response sextus arguments levelled aix the opposing diplomats. The importance of this dialogue sextus further highlighted by the fact that Sir John Fortescue's discussion of royal succession, in his pamphlets defending the Lancastrian claim to the English throne in the early s, was heavily influenced by Jean Juvenal's Tres crestien, tres hault, tres puissant roy, similarly, Pour ce que plusieurs in turn drew upon the pamphlets of Fortescue.
Unfortunately there is no direct evidence as to the authorship of Pour ce que plusieurs, but a strong circumstantial case may be offered for Guillaume Cousinot II, a diplomat with connections to Pierre de Breze and thus the Lancastrians, and also direct experience of the events surrounding the breach of the Anglo-French truce ina matter which received direct attention in the third part of the treatise: the English had supported Francois de Surienne's attack upon Fougeres in Marchwhich Pour ce que plusieurs interpreted as part of a wider plan to win the duchy of Brittany over to the English side and also to secure the release of Gilles de Bretagne, the Anglophile brother of the duke.
This interpretation has been very influential amongst historians, but sextus fact there is very little evidence to support the notion of a 'strategeme bien merveilleux' by the English: the attack upon Fougeres was undoubtedly part of a plan to free Gilles, but it is hard to see how such an enterprise might have persuaded duke Francois II to switch sides. These more extravagant claims may be explained by the fact that the treatise was composed in the early s, when the Franco-Breton alliance was again called into question by disputes aix regalian rights and Louis Xl's attempts to limit the duke's independence to negotiate with the English: under such circumstances, there was a clear value in reminding the Bretons of their obligations to the French crown, together with the historical duplicity of the English.
In summary, this bnp offers a general study of the polemical texts produced by French writers bnp the fifteenth century together with an edition of Pour ce que plusieurs, perhaps written by Guiliaume Cousinot Bnp.
Though this dissertation is principally concerned with the history of these works before the advent of printing, it is clear that they had a significant impact upon the ideology of monarchy and the public sphere in early modem France.
Perhaps most important of all was Pour ce que plusieurs itself, a text that was published in five separate editions byand was without doubt 'le plus celebre de tous ces traites centre les pretentions des rois d'Angleterre'.
It provided the definitive Valois response to all of the English claims, including the responsibility for the breach of the truce inand the Yorkist claim to the French throne, and perhaps most importantly, it set the seal upon the myth of the Salic Law. Reid studentship in and Worcester College for providing the funding for this dissertation.
Without the support and friendship of Dr. I have acknowledged the advice of a number of scholars on specific points in the relevant footnotes, but I would particularly like to thank those people who were kind enough to let me read their unpublished work Professor Franchise Autrand, Dr. Callahan, Dr. Pierre Chaplais, Dr. James Clark, Dr. Cliff Rogers. I am also very grateful to the following individuals who were kind enough to read and comment on specific chapters: Professor James Campbell, Professor Rees Davies, Professor Michael C.
Jones, Dr. Michael K. Maurice Keen, Aix. John Watts. Judith Winchester read aix the final draft of the dissertation, and saved me from the worst excesses of poor spelling and bad punctuation. Kathleen Daly have provided me bnp a great deal of assistance in this project. Pierre Chaplais offered extensive advice on the diplomatic materials that have formed such an essential background to my study of the polemical treatises.
Professor James Campbell was kind enough to lend me a number of important books for bnp duration of this project, and has provided me with help and guidance, particularly in the face of the occasional disasters that have befallen me. Various friends, particularly Dr. Charles Insley, Dr. Gareth Prosser and Dr. James Clark, have been kind enough to listen to my wild ramblings and have been quick to respond to desperate requests for a book, an article or a specific piece of information. Finally, I owe the greatest debt of all to my supervisor, Mr.
Peter Lewis, who has provided guidance, support and encouragement, even when he could scarcely afford the time. It has been an honour to work with him. Blondel, Robert. Oeuvres de Robert Blondel, 2 volumes. Rouen, Mathieu d'Escouchy. Chronique de Mathieu d'Escouchy. Paris, English medieval diplomatic practice. Part 1: documents and interpretation. London, Foedera, Conventiones. The Hague, Fortescue, Sir John. The works of Sir John Fortescue. De laudibus. De laudibus legum Anglie.
Cambridge, The governance of England. Charles Plummer. Oxford, Giesey, R. Traite du sacre. Golein, Jean.
Jean Le Begue recorded historical details from the memorials of the Chambre des comptes in his manual, as did Pierre Amer; Louis Le Blanc made a personal collection of copies of documents from the archives of the Chambre, and was also commissioned to compile an inventory of documents in the Tresor des chartes. At the start of the fourteenth century, officials like Pierre d'Etampes prepared collections of documents relating to very limited themes such as the negotiations for a treaty with Flanders in This dossier, the Recueil des traites de la France, gave the king easy access to particularly important documents on the subject of the sovereignty of the crown; it was cited in both the and inventories of the library at the Louvre, and it clearly served the king well, as he spoke for more than two hours before the emperor about the history of France and the injustice of the actions of the English.
Delaborde, H. Etude sur la constitution du Tresor des chartes. Clovis Brunei. Pratique diplomatique et culture politique au temps de Charles V and Pons, N. Louvain, V, chapter 2 and Autrand, F. This collection was undoubtedly intended to provide diplomats with materials necessary for the negotiations with the English, and even included a list of contents to facilitate quick reference to materials.
Etudes autour de Christine de Pizan. Dulac et B. RebemonL Orleans, England, France and Christendom, See Pons, N. See Delisle, L. Catalogue des manuscrits desjbnds Libri et Barren's. Montreuil drew heavily on this text, and essentially produced an extended version of this short tract which was copied into one of his working manuscripts.
Thus the polemical texts generally referred the readers back to the archives, or occasionally included 'pieces justicatives', such as Edward Ill's confession that he paid liege homage to Philip VI.
Augustine's De civitate dd by Franqois de Meyronnes. Camden Miscellany, 24 For the complex questions surrounding the materials collected by Jean Castel, which appear in an array of manuscripts, see Lewis, P. For Burgundian dossiers, see Small, G. George Chastelain and the shaping of Valois Burgundy: political and historical culture at court in the fifteenth century.
E, , , and , together with Jean Juvenal. Les ecrits politujues. R, The inclusion of important public documents was a practice also common to chronicles. II, 42 and 46, but Montreuil probably did not: he reported that he did properly study the writings of Augustine until or , and regretted that he did not know the De civitate dei better: Montreuil.
Colin Richmond and Isobel Harvey. Aberystwyth, Coville, A. Evrart de Tremaugon et le 'Songe du vergier'. See chapter two, section 1. In his discussion of the royal succession, Montreuil cited another treatise which set out the English arguments together with the French replies based upon the ancient law of the realm; this is often thought to refer to a lost work of Richard Lescot, but might equally be the Songe du vergier, which certainly did claim to set aside the arguments of the opposing side through the mouth of the Clerk, Opera.
II, , and and see chapter two, section 1 below. Les ecrits politufues. Evidently Noel de Fribois read a copy of Evrart de Tremaugon's lecture on succession presented before the University of Paris in , but did not chose to include these complex arguments in his text; however, he did use various authorities taken from Baldus de Ubaldis.
The bishop of Laon declared that he had followed the king's instructions to compose a treatise for 'la convention que deves avoir avec tres hault et puissant prince Henry vostre nepveu et adversaire soy disant roy d'Angleterre Three manuscripts of Pour ce que plusieurs also contained the Vraie cronicque dEscoce, probably written shortly after December by John Ireland, a Scotsman at the University of Paris; this treatise offered an important tool for Louis XI's diplomats negotiating Scotland's role in the debates between England and France in E, and Pons regards this as 'un exemple de traite de propagande, joint a un recueil diplomatique', Pons, N.
For example, the Resume du traite centre les Anglais was apparently written by Montreuil in two drafts between and According to Pons, 'Cette oeuvre, assez courte, etait certainement destinee a une grande diffusion' and reflected the wish of Montreuil to reach those outside of the government. Yet the surviving copies testify to the dissemination of the work within diplomatic circles; the first draft appears in three English compilations of diplomatic materials belonging to bishop Bekynton, and the one remaining copy of the second draft appears in a Norman manuscript, immediately before a memorandum on Charles VII's rights to Normandy, apparently used by French diplomats at Arras in Moreover the Resume du Traite contre les Anglais served as a source and model for the diplomatic memorandum entitled Genealogie des rois de France verite est que, probably written by an anonymous scribe of the chancellery in , when a French embassy was sent to Sigismund, king of the Romans and to the pope Martin V.
This work was written in French and so it is highly unlikely that it was to be given to or read before the pope; rather it would seem to be an aide-memoire for the diplomats themselves, a working preqis of MontreuiTs larger Traite contre les Anglais. According to Bossuat this was a propaganda text, designed to persuade those who were unsure or 25 See chapters three and five, section 1 below. E, and there is a fifth copy of the text, in Latin, probably prepared by a clerk of the English chancery, in Bodleian Library MS Bodley , fo.
For the Genealogie des rois de France, see Pons, N. Yet the memoire has the 'air more of a private official memorandum than propaganda' and was almost certainly intended to be used by diplomats involved in the negotiations at the Congress of Arras.
Unfortunately there is very limited information as to the materials used by diplomats, largely because so few documents survive.
Of all the negotiations throughout the Hundred Years War, the only series of talks for which the entire set of official documents survives is that from to ; usually the historian must rely upon second-hand accounts of conferences, such as that of Nicolas Du Bosc for the meeting held in July , citing a number of original documents held by the French ambassadors of which no trace now exists.
Diplomats would certainly need an array of documents, including not just their instructions and letters of credence, but also original proofs, perhaps provided by the dossiers of documents: 27 EMDP.
At the same time that Rinel was writing his memoire, presumably for the use of the English diplomats, the advisors to the duke of Burgundy were producing a number of similar memoranda examining the validity of the treaty of Troyes and the oath that bound the duke to it. See footnotes 45 and 91 below. Un dossier d'ambassadettrs franc. Isabelle Le Bis. Annuaire-bulletin de la Societe de I'Histoire de France, Martene and U.
Du Bosc described how the French ambassadors at the end of the negotiations in July , divided up the documents between themselves, thus explaining why so few remain in the archives. Dickinson, J. Camden Miscellany, 19 The range of documents possessed by a diplomat demonstrated by a manuscript containing the professional papers of William Weston, an active diplomat at the papal curia and in negotiations regarding Aquitaine during the s and s: Cheyette, F.
The Hundred Years War. Pour ce que plusieurs defined the boundaries of the duchy of Guyenne as the senechaussees of Bordeaux, Landes and Bazadais; in fact these were areas of customary law rather than administrative boundaries, but the anonymous author was merely repeating a common error made by French diplomats.
Pour ce que plusieurs. I, and See Vale, M. English Gascony, a study of war, government and politics during the later stages of the Hundred Years' War. The Congress of Arras. In , the instructions given to the English embassy retired them to put forward the English claim to the French throne but gave little guidance on the arguments that Kemp should use in his speech. Allmand, C. V, Similarly, Michel de Pons, procureur general, composed a detailed treatise on the Burgundian succession in preparation for negotiations that culminated in the treaty of Arras in ; this work survives in twelve copies, some of which were even illuminated, but the complexity of this work suggests that its primary role was as a manual for royal administrators and diplomats.
The polemical treatises were often presented in the same form, sometimes with lists of contents to facilitate reference to specific sections within the text. Thus it is possible that they were intended for use during the meetings themselves, but it is more likely that they provided background information; the treatises certainly did not set out the precise responses to be given to almost any conceivable argument by the English, like, for example, the French instructions of February The text Ut sanctitati domini nostri summi pontificis dare pateat was produced by English lawyers for the pope in as a summary of the detailed legal arguments that they had prepared in defence of Edward HI.
BN manuscrit Moreau , fo. In the aftermath of the English attack on Fougeres in , Charles VII asked Jean Juvenal to provide him with a justification for renewing the war against the English.
E Perroy. Also see Ferguson, J. English diplomacy, Chapter 8; Dickinson, J. The Congress ofArras, xvi-xxii, especially xx. Lewis dates the council memorandum to , but I am more inclined to follow Pons in dating it to the dossier seems to follow a chronological order, and the instruction follows a letter of Louis XI dated August , and precedes another letter of July Ill, and Pons, N.
Almost all of the polemical texts were written or translated into French, and when original documents and sources were quoted in Latin, Jean Juvenal, Fribois and their colleagues also provided translations. This might suggest that the polemical writers and the translators were also intending their works to be read by a domestic, lay audience, perhaps following the vast programme of translation of highly academic materials into the vernacular, initiated by Charles V.
The manuscript owned by Bude was Vatican Library, Reg. Imaging Aristotle: verbal and visual representation in fourteenth-century France. Fifty years later, the Reponse d'un bon et loyal Francois even attacked the English for composing the treaty of Troyes in Latin, given that 'le roy, la royne, madame Katherine et la plus grant partie des nobles' could not understand that language. November , refused to use Latin, while the English objected to the confusion and difficulties stemming from the vernacular employed by the archbishop of Sens and other negotiators.
Montreuil wrote to John of Gaunt in French in the summer of , 'pour ce que je vouloye que celluy a qui j'etoye 1'entendist', Montreuil. I, ; IE, and ; IV, thus the use of French is certainly compatible with their use in meetings with the English. Monfrin, J. But note that Louis XI was well trained in Latin. Russell, J. Montreuil's treatise Regali ex progeni, and its translation, A toute la chevalerie, offered a commentary on the martial qualities and successes of the French; the text was originally dedicated to the dauphin Louis de Guyenne, as an encouragement to emulate the examples of his predecessors.
The discussion of the English claims was a mere appendix to A toute la chevalerie, which Montreuil later expanded into a fully-fledged discussion of the debates with the English in Robert Blondel did not discuss the English claims in any depth at all in his Oratio historialis, but did offer a very charged history which was principally intended to persuade Charles VII to protect the duke of Brittany against the English after the fall of Fougeres.
Fribois' Abregee des chroniques was intended to encourage the 'roys et princes de France' to follow the example of their illustrious predecessors: the discussions of specific issues, such as the laws governing the royal succession and the validity of the treaty of Troyes, were extended discussions added to this glorious story. See footnotes 21 and 64 42 Montreuil. II, 11; Blondel, Robert. Charles VII. The royal image: illustrations of the Grandes Chronicjues de France, Dream stories were a common means for French scholars to present complex works, such as Evrart de Tremaugon in the Somnium viridarii, Philippe de Mezieres in the Songe du vieil pelerin and the Apparition maistre Jehan de Meun by Honore Bouvet Thus it is perhaps not surprising that in , Jean Juvenal presented his first discussion of the issues of the war, in Audite cell, through the medium of the strange vision of a mysterious woman who had seen three ladies, France, England and the Church meeting at Arras in order to find peace; their discussions were influenced by contributions of Ambition, Greed, Hatred, Vengeance, Sedition, Charity, True Love and other positive virtues.
Jean Juvenal wished to set out the legal issues of the war, but also genuinely hoped that the forthcoming negotiations at the Congress of Arras would lead to peace, having witnessed the impact of the war upon his see of Beauvais.
At the same time, a number of Burgundian councillors produced memoranda examining Philip the Good's obligations to Henry VI by virtue of the treaty of Troyes; these texts employed a very literary style, particularly one that addressed the question through an excursion into the history of Persia under king Darius. In both of these cases, the authors approached complex problems through highly literary styles, clearly 44 Lettres de Louis XI, roi de France.
Vaesen and E. VIE, , cited in Saenger, P. The polemical treatises had consistently observed that if cognates could succeed to the throne, then Charles of Navarre would have inherited ahead of Edward III, while Jean Juvenal had explicitly connected the principle of female and cognate exclusion from the royal succession, to the inheritance of apanages.
The Burgundian writers clearly hoped to placate any qualms that Philip the Good had about breaking the oath that he had made to uphold the treaty of Troyes. Normally such men played a very limited role in diplomatic parleys, perhaps because of their rank and also to avoid any embarrassment over precedence. But throughout the Hundred Years War, and particularly from the s to the negotiations at Calais in , specific nobles were heavily involved in negotiations, even if the surviving sources provide little information as to their precise roles.
During a preliminary meeting to arrange a conference between the two kings, the English suggested on 14 February that they send the royal uncles and four hundred knights and esquires, together with just two prelates or doctors as counsellors. Three years later, the princes of the blood, John of Gaunt and the dukes of Gloucester, Berry and Burgundy, agreed a provisional treaty and arranged a separate meeting of legal experts for August to resolve the continuing problems of sovereignty and resort over lands within France.
The next year Montreuil himself took part in an embassy to question posed by the French regarding homage. Rothwell, H. I, and , and especially ; Dickinson, J. Griess, The count of Foix and the duke of Brittany had earlier wrestled with the same problems, and may have also sought the opinion of canon lawyers and the church. Vale, M. English Gascony. The Congress of Arras, especially pp. Similarly, Jean Juvenal wrote Tres crestien, tres puissant, 47 For Montreuil's letter, see footnote 39 above, and for the English suggestion in , see the Memoire abregee grossement in BN manuscrit nouvelle acquisition frangaise fo.
Songe du vergier. I, xix-xl and Ferguson, J. English diplomacy. II, , discussed in Lewis, P. In , the council memorandum requested 'beaulx livres a perpetuel m6moire' regarding amongst other things 'la querelle du roy a 1'encontre du roy d'Angleterre'. See footnote 36 above. In , Henry sent copies of the treaty of Bourges , by which the Armagnacs recognized the right of Henry IV to territory in the south-west of France, to the General Council at Constance, to Sigismund and to other rulers, to demonstrate that the English were justified in pursuing their claims through military action.
Then Montreuil addressed a brief letter to the emperor Sigismund during his visit to France in March or April , which included passages from his own Traite centre les Anglais, together with a genealogical tree demonstrating the true descent of the French crown to Charles VI; the duke of Berry also lent the emperor a manuscript of the Latin chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis. II, and see footnote 24 above. As Pons noted, the Traite contre les Anglais is 'beaucoup plus 'diplomatique' qu'historique'.
Pons, N. E, 40 and , and Pour ce que plusieurs. Roskell and F. HI, 17 and , together with Delaborde, H. In , Charles VII was presented with a Latin history of Milan by Antonio Astesan, secretary to the duke of Orleans, to persuade him to assist the duke in his pursuit of his claim to the duchy of Milan; thirteen years later, a Florentine ambassador, Donato Acciaiouli, gave Louis XI an account of the life of Charlemagne, perhaps in the hope that Louis would emulate his illustrious predecessor by helping Florence.
M This work has been lost, but Fortescue also prepared a number of pamphlets in defence of Henry VI's title to the throne, including De titulo Edwardi comitis Marchiae and Defensio juris domus Lancastriae. These two Latin texts were probably intended for an international audience.
Certain sections of both texts sound as if they were composed for foreigners: for example, chapter two of Defensio juris domus Lancastriae argues that entail is an undisputed law in the kingdom of England 'in regno Angliae' and the rule that no one may pass on to another more right than they themselves possess is agreed by the learned men of that kingdom 'illius regni'.
II, and III, and See Fortescue. Louis XI et Angleterre, The dissolution of the Lancastrian kingsliip. Stamford, Yet the polemical writers frequently implied that their works were intended for a wider audience, though their evidence is not always reliable. Similarly, the anonymous author of Pour ce que plusieurs argued that 'Et par ce que la verite desdictez matieres nest pas a tous congneue, ne le fondement dicelles ne les incidences qui sont entrevenues, maintes gens en ce deffault errent et cuident les choses estre autres que a la verites elles ne sonf; thus he claimed that he was writing Tour oster la dicte erreur et affin que chascun clerement et sans aucune ambiguite ou doubte puisse congnoistre et estre deuement informe' of the truth in this matter.
Yet there is clear evidence that this work was written for diplomats, as a handbook for impending meetings with the English. Similarly, the author of Pour vraye congnoissance avoir declared that 'plusieurs nobles escuiers et gens clercs scevent ce que je veulx descripre. Pour lesquelz mon intention nest pas, mais seulement pour simples gens See chapter three, section 3 below. Yet this was a manual for clerks in the Chambre des comptes, which even included precise references to supporting documents in the archives.
Thus there is a danger that claims to act as vehicles to change attitudes and spread the truth to those who were confused, is merely a literary topos. Excluding the author's own working drafts, there are only two contemporary manuscripts containing any of A toute la chevalerie and Traite contre les Anglais by Jean de Montreuil, and only five others from the second half of the fifteenth century; there is certainly no evidence that these works enjoyed a wider dissemination than the French and Burgundian archives.
Tres crestien, tres hault, tres puissant roy by Jean Juvenal was undoubtedly a manual for diplomats, and survives in just two contemporary copies, and two others from the end of the century. There are ten manuscripts containing his earlier work, Audite celi, written between and , and another five from the end of the fifteenth century. Pour ce que plusieurs survivies in fifteen contemporary manuscripts.
Thus the five most important treatises of the war survive in just forty manuscripts, of which the vast majority were the authors' working drafts and copies written in the last quarter of the fifteenth century.
II, and Pons, N. For Pour ce que plusieurs, see appendix, section 1. In general, see Bossuat, A. IV, and Jean Juvenal. I, and II, ; for the manuscripts of Pour ce que plusieurs, see appendix, section 1.
The use of chapter headings and lists of contents in many of the polemical treatises, might suggest that individual copies were principally intended to be read silently and thus would not have reached a large audience. Saenger, P. Political reading and the reading public in late medieval England and France.
Raven, H. Small and N. Indeed, where it is possible to identify the original owners of manuscripts that originated outside official circles, they were generally either the princes themselves or great bibliophiles for whom such works merely formed an adjunct to their collections. The anti-English chronicle Debats et appointements appeared in six such manuscripts with a variety of materials, including genealogies of the kings of France and England, the Recouvrement de la Normandie by the Berry Herald, and extracts from the process of the duke of Alenqon.
For Pons, this demonstrates 'la diffusion d'une veritable conscience nationale', but the examples of this type of collection are very limited and mostly appear late in the fifteenth century; as she observes, the variety of combinations shows that this is not merely mechanical copying, but it still remains possible that these collections are the work of bibliophiles or were put together for personal use.
MontreuiL Opera. H, and also see , , , The kings of England derived their claim to the French throne through Isabel of France, mother of Edward III, but if a women could pass an inheritance to her son, then the descendants of Lionel duke of Clarence had a far better claim to the English throne than the Lancastrians whose claim came from John of Gaunt, Lionel's younger brother: here was a contradiction of immense proportions, as the French polemical writers were well aware.
Yet the Valois claim to the French throne depended upon the notion that the crown might only pass in direct male line, but when Jean de Montfort claimed the Breton succession in on exactly the same basis, Philip VI of France rejected him in favour of Jeanne de Penthievre and her husband Charles of Blois.
Then in 60 Pons, N. For the manuscripts of Pour ce que plusieurs, see appendix, section 1. In England there are similar collections, containing extracts from a wide variety of French texts, which we know were composed by Bishop Bekynton. See footnote 81 below. Hedeman, A. The royal image. Montreuil repeatedly emphasised the obligation and duty of all vassals of the French crown to their king ahead of all rival loyalties, in the context of the dilemma facing the Gascons with the collapse of the treaty of Bretigny in Yet it is far from clear that he was intending the Traite centre les Anglais to be read by these individuals, rather than simply repeating the points made within earlier diplomatic documents such as the letter to the English in early and the Memoire abregee grossement; these were certainly important points for French diplomats, particularly after the Armagnacs had been so willing to recognise Henry IV as duke of Guyenne in the treaty of Bourges in The same theme reappeared in Pour ce que plusieurs, through repeated accounts of forfeiture for treason, a clear reminder to those involved in the War of the Public Weal of the dangers of rebellion; indeed, one of the manuscripts of treatise did end up in the hands of one of the rebels of , Jacques d'Armagnac, duke of Nemours, but with little noticeable effect upon his behaviour.
Noel de Friboisr chronicles also provided a warning for the princes of the blood about the dangers of rebellion, and a reminder of the prestige of the crown to which they owed obedience. Yet while Charles d'Anjou count of Maine personally commissioned a copy of the Mirouer historial, he was ambivalent enough in the War of the Public Weal in to arouse the suspicions of Louis XI and was implicated in 62 For example Philippe de Mezieres.
Le songe du vieil pelerin. George W. Ed George. Coopland, Cambridge, E Jones. For example, Pour ce que plusieurs provided a carefully contrived, and at times downright dishonest case, to prove that the duke of Brittany ought to shun an alliance with England in Yet there is no question of the duke actually reading the treatise: rather, it was intended to prepare diplomats negotiating with Brittany on behalf of Louis XI.
Super omnia vincit veritas was written by an officer of the Parlement or Chambre des comptes shortly after 2 December , when Philip the Good accepted the proposal of a treaty disinheriting the dauphin and making Henry V heir to the throne of France; the work was subsequently translated into French as the Reponse d'un bon et loyal francois, and in the process the essentially juridicial arguments of the Latin model were softened through the use of more emotional arguments such as the threat to thefleurs de lys.
The implication is that this pamphlet was associated with the intense propaganda campaign to win over neutrals to the defence of the dauphin. In the immediate aftermath of the murder of Jean sans Peur, the dauphin and his supporters sent out letters setting out his version, or rather versions, of the dreadful event. At least six different letters were 64 Montreuil. II, , , , , , drawing upon the materials in Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale manuscrit , edited in MontreuiL Opera. I, and II, When the new duke of Burgundy made his agreement with the English in December, the dauphinists again sent out letters and perhaps also Super omnia vincit veritas or its French translation as a refutation of the agreement.
Only seven letters survive from the massive French and Burgundian letter campaigns of late and early ; the duchess of Burgundy sent out over a hundred letters in both September and November decrying the dauphin for his murder of her husband, but in neither case does either an original or even a copy survive.
Writing in both English and Latin, Fortescue offered at least four short pieces that attacked the Yorkist usurpation of the throne and declared that Henry VI was the true king of England. There are only seven surviving manuscripts containing these texts, none of which are contemporary. Yet these texts clearly had an impact, judging by the fact that Edward IV later required Fortescue to issue a retraction.
The Latin pamphlets may have been intended for an international audience, and perhaps also the Replication ageinste the clayme and title of the Due ofYorkefor the crownes of England and France, judging by the inclusion of 'France' in the title, but in general, the vernacular pamphlets were probably also aimed at a less learned audience: the Replication was included with a dossier of manifestos and newsletters in John Vale's book, and essentially offered an expanded genealogy demonstrating the superiority of the 66 See chapter five and appendix, section 1.
Note that Fluxo biennali spado was written by a Frenchman who was not totally at home writing in Latin, which makes his decision not to write in the vernacular even more interesting. Yet we must also consider the possibility that the ideas presented by these treatises may have reached a wider audience through an indirect channel: these treatises, and their fourteenth-century precursors, may have served to prepare those speaking on behalf of the crown at public meetings, designed to win the support of the politically influential.
Both Guillaume de Dormans, royal advocate, and his brother Jean, cardinal of Beauvais and Chancellor of France, spoke at length at the Parlement in May , justifying the receipt of the Gascon appeals by Charles V, probably basing their discussion upon the position laid out in a letter sent 69 For Fortescue's pamphlets, see chapter three below.
There are no other examples of Lancastrian pamphlets but the Yorkists had made extensive use of such material in the s; for example before their landing in Kent in , the Yorkist lords issued a letter of grievance that circulated widely and was copied into various chronicles.
Johnson, P. Duke Richard of York, Annales, or a general chronicle of England. E Howes. Camden Society, First series, Actes du Ve colloque international star le moyen frangais, Milan, mai But note that the earliest printed pamphlets do survive in far higher numbers: the Zeitungen first appeared in , describing the coronation of Maximilian, and of sixty-five extant French examples from the reign of Lous XII, over half gave news of the Italian wars, and others reported the coronation, entries and funerals of the king and his wives.
States and rulers in later medieval Europe. During this assembly, Jean Juvenal, Guillaume Cousinot and a number of other royal councillors, spoke at length on the legal issues surrounding the status of Normandy, which Louis XI had been forced to cede to Charles of France during the War of the Public Weal.
These arguments were clearly understood and accepted by the representatives, who not only drew heavily upon them when making their own statements at the end of the meeting, but also copied summaries of the speeches into their own registers. IV, E, In , Guillaume complained that the second treaty of London would give up sovereignty and resort over the lands being conceded to the English, at a meeting of churchmen, nobles and representatives of the bonnes villes convened by the regent Charles.
BN manuscrit francais , fo.! IE, See Major, J. R Representative institutions in Renaissance France, Madison, Yet, this still leaves the very difficult question of why the English did not produce treatises examining the legal issues of the war, if these materials were so useful to administrators and diplomats. The English royal administration certainly included individuals like Thomas Hoccleve and the anonymous author of an account of the 75 Hauser, H. See chapter four, section 3 below.
French historians have recently claimed that the English royal archives were far more organized than their counterparts across the Channel, so that one might assume that there simply was no need for manuals setting out the rights of the English. On 4 April , David de Montferrand, archbishop of Bordeaux, sent Henry V transcriptions of Anglo-French treaties relating to the duchy of Guyenne between and , and included within this the Livre des homages, originally drawn up for the Black Prince; in May the English and Anglo-French councils met at Calais and had copies of past truces prepared in readiness for the meeting with 77 Gransden, A.
Historical writing in England. II: c. Pronay and J. Ironically, James Clark has recently commented that 'England lacked Intellectual life at the abbey of St.
Albans and the nature of monastic learning in England c. Oxford University, D. Phil, dissertation, English diplomatic administration, Second edition, Oxford, William Sprever, doctor of laws and a member of the English section of Henry VI's embassy to the Congress of Arras in collected documents relating to the Congress and to the council of Basle.
The compilation, known as the Codex Sprever, included some otherwise unknown instructions to the Lancastrian embassy to Arras, as well as a fragment of a draft narrative of the negotiations. Bekynton may well have been building upon an existing dossier developed earlier in the war: for example he had a number of memoranda relating to Edward Ill's claim to the French throne, including materials produced in , an extensive record of the treaties of Bretigny and Troyes, French texts responding to English claims, and even an Extractum ab originali libri antiqui cronicarum Sancti Seuerini Burdegalensis, setting out the ancient boundaries of Gascony and Guyenne, in his dossier of materials for diplomats.
Little and F. M Powicke. The chancery under Edward III. English Gascony, The Congress ofArras, xii, 32,45 Codex Sprever. For fourteenth century dossiers, see Bock, F. Camden miscellany, 3rd series, 48 Chapter Thomas of Walsingham wrote the Ypodigma Neustrie not so much to encourage Henry V to pursue his claim to Normandy, but rather 'as a call for greater caution, and an end to blind expansionism', while, William of Worcester presented the Boke of noblesse to Edward IV in order to glorify the past achievements of English kings against the French, and perhaps thereby persuade the king to emulate his forbears.
Similarly, Humfrey duke of Gloucester commissioned Titus Livius da Forli to write a panegyric of his brother Henry V and also an account of the duke's campaign in Flanders in to Yet none of these texts examined the English claims in France in any detail: the few minor exceptions include a glorified genealogy originally compiled in , and a series of Latin texts, which briefly set out the English title to the overlordship of Wales, Aquitaine, Normandy, Ireland and Scotland, written by Andrew Aston, hostillar at Bury St.
Li, and Allmand, C. Ypodigma Neustrie. London, ; Boke of Noblesse. Roxburghe Club. London, ; Gransden, A. Similarly the Libri recordum are only known to historians through the testimony of the Gesta Henrici Quinti; the survival of such manuals, if given to diplomats, would probably have depended upon their being returned to the royal archives.
The collections produced by Bekynton did contain everything that a diplomat or administrator would need, particularly given that the English claims during the war were relatively simple: Edward III had been the nearest male heir to the throne in , and both the treaties of Bretigny and Troyes created situations which the English subsequently wished to continue. Moreover, the English diplomats were clearly reluctant to examine these arguments too closely in public: in , and , English diplomats declared the subject too high a matter for mortal men to discuss, an argument also used by Lyndwood at the Council of Basle in Montreuil and many of the other scholars in the Parisian chancelleries were heavily influenced by the nascent humanism emanating from fo.!
My thanks to James Clark for this reference. The history and antiquities of the county of Somerset. Bath, V, , and The same argument was used by the Lords in , to attempt to prevent discussion of Richard duke of York's claim to the English throne. Thus it is perhaps not surprising that Montreuil was the only French humanist of his generation to become directly involved in the defence of the French crown against the English.
Indeed, Montreuil may have had a personal connection with the author of the Songe du vergier, Jean Le Fevre. Perhaps as a reward for writing this work, Le Fevre was appointed bishop of Chartres in March , and eleven months later, became chancellor of Louis I duke of Anjou and king of Sicily. The next year Louis I of Anjou led an expeditionary force from Avignon to conquer Naples, and when the army became bogged down in the south of Italy, a rescue force was sent under Enguerrand de Coucy.
One of the members of this army was a young 88 For the Italian texts, see lanziti, G. Humanist historiography under the Sforzas. Jean Muret et ses amis Nicolas de Clamanges et Jean de Montreuil: contribution a I'etude des rapports entre les humanistes de Paris et ceux d'Avignon Geneva, and Pons, N. Vatican, The tension is highlighted by the fact that in , Montreuil was concerned that anyone but his correspondent might read a letter writtten in the vernacular.
Nicolas de Clamanges showed no qualms at switching from side to side in the conflict, while Alain Chartier but did not enter the more mundane debate over the English claims when composing his patriotic works in defence of the crown.
See for example, Chartier, Alain. Thus there is at least circumstantial connection between Montreuil and Le Fevre through the Armagnac party. This was a work which essentially followed a formula that Montreuil subsequently adopted: Bouvet composed a vernacular treatise, merging discussions of history and warfare with legal materials developed by John de Legnano in the Tractatus de bello, as well as matters of contemporary importance, such as the Angevin succession to the throne of Naples.
After a brief flirtation with the Burgundians, Bouvet became aligned with the Armagnacs through Louis of Orleans, and was almost certainly well-known to Montreuil after writing the Apparition Jehan de Meun: indeed Montreuil may have been referring to him, when he addressed a letter regarding the debate over the Roman de la rose to a celebrated but anonymous poet.
It is perhaps not a coincidence that the only English discussion of the legal debates of the war is a brief memorandum by Jean de Rinel on the treaty of Troyes: Rinel had originally served as secretary to the duke of Guyenne from onwards and notaire et secretaire du roi in Thus he was intimately connected with the French chancellery, and so may University and Letter concerning Joan of Arc, in Les oeuvres latines.
II, and IV, See Bouvet, Honore. The tree of battles. Cambridge, Mass. I:ii, , discussed in Bossuat, A. See footnote 2 above. Amongst these was a scene where Clovis received the holy balm used to anoint all French monarchs, an illustration of the mystical and liturgical nature of French kingship. Just before this there was another skit in which the first king of France, Pharamond, commissioned and received the Salic Law from four wise men; this celebrated the historical origins of the monarchy and the role of the king as law-giver, but also supported the exclusion of women from the royal succession.
The law code of the Salian Franks was almost certainly compiled by Clovis as a creative synthesis of Prankish custom, Roman law and the new law that Clovis himself brought into being. It was subsequently modified and enlarged under the Merovingians and Carolingians, but 1 Giesey, R.
E 'The juristic basis'. This chapter, De allodio, included a clause designed to safeguard the family patrimony; men should receive the heritage of their ancestors the landed property, the 'terra salica' or 'hereditas aviatica' , and the women just the personal property: 'De terra vero salica nulla portio hereditatis mulieri veniat, sed ad virilem sexum tota terrae hereditatis perveniaf ,4 In itself, this law regarding private succession amongst the Salian Franks did not offer any great hope for the debate over the French royal succession, but the French polemical writers of the fifteenth century carefully manipulated the text and its interpretation to elevate this law to central status in their defence of the Valois succession.
Ed Karl A. Hanover, This formula matches redaction K 5 Hotman, Frangois. Translated by J. Salmon and edited by RE. The continuing power of this myth is demonstrated by the regular claim that the Salic Law was invoked in , for example by Hindman, S.
Toronto, The anonymous author offered a fictitious account of the assembly, describing how Philip of Valois and Edward III presented their cases for inheriting the French throne.
Both sides agreed to set aside imperial law because it could have no authority in France, which was not subject to the empire, and instead resolved to use 'la loy salicque qui fut la premiere loy dont les Francois ussassent oncques7. Pour ce que plusieurs implied that the Salic Law had regulated every succession since its creation by the first king of France, Pharamond, including those of and as a result 'il ne sera par trouve que oncquez fille succedast a la couronne de France ne autre masle au moyen de fille'.
The last son of Philip the Fair died on 1 February leaving a daughter and a pregnant wife, who subsequently gave birth to another girl. Given the precedent set in and , there was no question that the girls might succeed, but there were three serious male contenders for the throne. Hanley, S. Giesey suggests that the author of Pour ce que plusieurs was using an account of the initial stages of the succession dispute between Philip VI and Edward in in but there is no evidence for this, and it certainly would not have been necessary for the construction of this fictitious account of the events of Royal succession in Capetian France: studies on familial order and the state.
Cambridge, Mass, In these confused circumstances, the decision effectively fell to an assembly of notables that first met to determine the regency before the birth of Charles IV s second child, and then to settle the succession after that child was born a female, legally incapable of ruling. Little is known of the legal arguments employed at these assemblies, but there is little evidence that the learned doctors of civil and canon law present affected the outcome of the debate.
As Paul Viollet observed, 'la France devait rester aux Valois parce que les Valois etaient franqais', but as a result of this decision, the custom that barred women from the succession was extended to include their male offspring: 'Le fait commenqait a creer le droit'.
See Viollet, P. See also Monod, G. Yet it must be doubtful that they were referring to the Salic Law, given that this authority was not directly cited by any of these scholars except Raoul de Presles. The birtii of an ideology: myths and symbols of nationhood in later medieval France. The author, Noel de Fribois, was discussing the punishment meted out to the wives of Louis X and Charles IV in for their adultery: he declared that that 'La cause de ceste punicion tres cruelle est declairee en 1'epistre que fait frere Richart Lescot a rencontre des Anglois et Navarrois, lors pretendans avoir droit en la couronne de France, dont est fait ung traictie particulier qui se commence Pour ce que manifestation de verite'.
Thus Fribois did not state that this 'traictie particulier' was written by Lescot, and it is intriguing that the title of this lost work sounds remarkably similar to the beginning of MontreuiTs Traite contre les Anglais: 'A tous ceulx qui ce present tesmoingnage de verite verront'.
Thus even though Lescot did rediscover the Salic Law in the archives at Saint-Denis, there must be considerable doubt that he ever recognised the importance of the De allodio clause.
Potwoirs et institutions dans la France medievale. H: Des temps feodaux anx temps de I'etat. Chronique de Richard Lescot, religieux de Saint-Denis , suivie de la continuation de cette chronique Giesey has suggested that this reference to the Salic Law was a later interpolation into the letter, but Beaune is probably correct to reject this argument. Section de philologie et d'histoire.
I, and The birth of an ideology. Et se commence ledit traicte: Pour ce que manifestation de verite'. Lescot, Richard. Chronique de Richard Lescot. Opera, n, and The view that Lescot did not recognise the value of De allodio clause is shared by, Monod, G.
For an alternative, unsubstantiated view, see Krynen, J. V empire du roi. De Presles may have learned of the law from the monks of Saint- Denis: he certainly had a strong relationship with the great abbey, as demonstrated by the preface to his translation of the Cite de Dieu, which stressed the connections between the French crown and Saint-Denis.
Augustine's argument that the Lex Voconia was unjust because it deprived women of the right to inherit private property; like Francois de Meyronnes and Thomas Waleys, Presles argued that even though women could not inherit private property, they were permitted to inherit a public office like kingship.
But unlike the previous commentators, Presles added a reference to the Salic Law: A ceste loy saccorde une loy pareille qui fu appellee lex saliqua, laquele fu dite saliqua pour les gens du pays qui estoient nobles gens et noble peuple, et il appert, car ceulx qui firent celle loy, furent ceulx qui premierment furent et ordonnent les loys de France.
Et furent a ce ordonez et esleuz des barons de France ou de ceulx de qui les francoys descendirent, a fin que la chose publique feust mieux et plus puissamment deffendue par les malles que par les fumelles.
This might explain why the Salic Law was not directly cited in the work of any of the other writers of Charles V's court, including Jean Golein, Nicole Oresme and Evrart de Tremaugon in the Somnium viridarii, even though the Cite de Dieu may have influenced Tremaugon's discussion of ihefleur de lys, and also probably served as a source for Bossuat, R.
Hinkle, W. The flew de lis of the kings of France, Carbondale, See Francois de Meyronnes. Flares beati Augnsti. Cologne, ad. A 9v; SL Augustine. De civitate dei, cum commentariis Thomae Valois necnon additionibus Jac. Basileae, The original English arguments are not recorded, but the French replied: Item quant au droit de la couronne Et peuvent estre lesdictes coustumes et usages fondez par raison escripte, et par les constitucions des h'efz.
Encores par lestatut que vueullent alleguer les gens du roy dAngleterre qui est en la loy salique, la terre doit venir au sexe masculin qui est la ligne masculine en excluant la ligne femenine, tant les femmes comme les masles qui delles seroient descenduz.
But the implication of this reference is that the French had not used the Salic Law themselves by , because at no other point in the Memoire abregee grossement, was there a reference to the Salic 16 Hinkle, W. M The flew de Us of the kings of France. Uempire du roi. Nicole Oresme offered a lengthy digression on the irrationality of allowing female succession in his translation of Aristotle's Politics, Oresme.
I, chapter In the Arbre des batailles 9 , Honore Bouvet argued that 'en France n'ont mie coustume que femme doye estre royne', but he did not cite the Salic Law. Bouvet, Honore. This quotation comes from BN manuscrit nouvelle acquisition francaise fo. Opera IE, At some point between and , most likely in , he added a brief note at the foot of the Seconde digression in an autograph manuscript: Combien que fay oy dire au chantre et croniqueur de Saint Denis Et je mesmes 1'ay veu et leu ycelle loy en un ancien livre, renouvelee et confermee par Charlemaingne empereur et roy de France.
Laquelle loy, entre plusieurs autres choses qui font tres grandement a nostre propos, dit ainsy et conclut en ceste propre forme: Mulier vero nullam in regno habeat portionem. Philip VI may have owned letters written by legists which supported the Valois succession and demonstrated the invalidity of Edward Hi's claim, but these do not survive.
Gazelles, R. Societe politique, noblesse et couronne sous Jean le Ban et Charles V. Paris et Geneve, Given the central position of St.
Vatican MS Regina latin , fo. Monod, G. Bonn, II, See Ports, N. The 'chantre et croniqueur de Saint Denis' was the Religieux de Saint-Denis, almost certainly Michel Pintouin, and so it seems likely that either he, or others at Saint- Denis, did realise the importance of the Salic Law for the debate over royal succession, and that the abbey lay at the heart of subsequent dissemination of the law: a marginal note next to the clause De allodio in the Saint Denis manuscript of the Salic Law, says 'Nota contra Anglicos'.
It seems unlikely that Montreuil learned of the Salic Law from the work of Raoul de Presles, given that he admitted having a very limited knowledge of the De civitate dei. IV, ; he certainly did not emphasise the quasi-sacerdotal status of the French king in his discussion of the female exclusion from the succession, a theme commonly cited by the commentators on Augustine. This was an inaccurate transcription of the clause, even without the addition of the phrase 'in regno'.
This became the standard method of citing the Salic Law in all further drafts of the Traite contre les Anglais, though Montreuil was clearly nervous about this, given that on occasions, he would still cite the vague custom and ordinance of France without directly mentioning the Salic Law.
But Jean Juvenal was clearly anxious about this version, especially as he could not view the original manuscript of the Salic Law after the English had captured the abbey of Saint-Denis. Thus, when he returned to the topic in , he offered two readings of the law.
The first was a more elegant reading of MontreuiTs original version of the authority of the Salic Law and king Pharamond. Memorials of Henry the Fifth, king of England. Opera, II, The actual clause reads: 'De terra vero salica nulla portio hereditatis mulieri veniat, sed ad virilem sexum tota terrae hereditas perveniat'.
The Romans at a given signal closed in upon the Albans, who were informed that their city should be razed, or rather, lowered to the ground, and, that their chief, who had pulled a different way from his new ally, should be fastened to horses who should be driven in opposite directions. This cruel sentence, upon which we have scarcely patience to bestow a sentence of our own, was barbarously carried into execution. Alba fell to the ground; which is all we have been able to pick up relating to the subject of this portion of our history.
The remainder of the reign of Hostilius was occupied with military successes; but he neglected the worship of the gods, who it is said evinced their anger by a tremendous shower of stones on the Alban Mount, in order to soften his flinty heart, by making him feel the weight of their displeasure.
From the extreme of indifference he went to the. The unhappy sovereign, imitating his predecessor Numa, attempted some experiments in the hope of drawing down some lightning, but it was not likely that one who had conducted himself so badly could be a better conductor of the electric fluid, and the result was, that though he learned the art of attracting the spark, it flashed upon him with such force that he instantly expired.
Such is the tradition with reference to the death of Tullus; but it is hard to say whether the accounts handed down to us have been overcharged, or whether the clouds were in that condition. Some speculators insinuate that the royal experimentalist owed his sad fate to some mismanagement of his electrical jar while attempting to produce an unnatural jarring of the elements.
The good actions of Tullus were so few, that his fame will not afford the omission of one, and being desirous to put the best construction we can upon his works, we give him credit for the construction of the Curia Hostilia, whose site still meets the eye near the northern angle of the Palatine.
Ambassadors are spoken of as existing in the reign of Tullus Hostilius, but whether they owe their origin to Numa, who went before, or to Ancus Martius, who came after him, is so much a matter of doubt, that some historians, in trying to meet the claims of both half-way, stop short of giving the merit to either. Tullus may, at all events, have the credit of employing, if he did not institute, the art of diplomacy in Rome; for he appointed ambassadors, as we have already seen, to negotiate with the Albans.
These envoys were called Feciales, the chief of whom wore on his head a fillet of white wool, with a quantity of green herbs, formed into a turban, which must have had somewhat the appearance of a fillet of veal, with the ingredients for stuffing. His duty was to proceed to the offending country, and proclaim his wrongs upon the border, though there might be no one there to listen, and having crossed the boundary--if his indignation happened to know any bounds--he was to astonish the first native he met by a catalogue of grievances.
On reaching a city, the ambassador went over the old story to the soldier at the gate, just as though, at Storey's gate, an irritated foreigner should pour out his country's real or imaginary wrongs to the sentinel on duty.
To this recital the soldier would, of course, be as deaf as his post, and the Fecialis would then proceed to lay his complaint before the magistrates. In the event of his obtaining no redress, he returned home for a spear, and killing a pig with one end, he poked the fire with the other. The instrument being thus charred in the handle and blood-stained at the point, became an appropriate emblem of hostility, and the Fecialis declared war by stirring it up with the long pole, which he threw across the enemy's boundary.
After the death of Tullus Hostilius, the people lost no Ancus Martius, a grandson of Numa, for their sovereign. Though partial on the whole to peace, Ancus was not afraid of war, and, when his kingdom was threatened, he was quite ready to fight for it. He subdued the Latins, and having first settled them in the field, allowed them to settle themselves in the city.
He enlarged Rome, but abridged the distance between different parts by throwing the first bridge across the Tiber, and his name has come down to posterity in the ditch of the Quirites which he caused to be dug for the defence of the city, against. He also built a prison in the heart of the city, and what might be truly termed a heart of stone, for the prison was formed of a quarry, and is still in existence as a monument of the hard lot of its inmates. Ancus Martius further signalised his reign by founding the city of Ostia at the Tiber's mouth, and thus gave its waters the benefit of that port which so much increased their value.
On the spot may still be seen some ruins supposed to belong to a temple dedicated to the winds, among whom the greater part of the temple has long since been promiscuously scattered. Ancus Martius reigned for a period of twenty-four years, and either in tranquillity or war--whether engaged in the works of peace, or embroiled in a piece of work--he proved himself thoroughly worthy of his predecessors, and, in fact, he left far behind him many who had gone before him in the task of government.
Maxims, i. Plunging into the times of Tarquinius Priscus, we describe him as the son of a Corinthian merchant, who, being compelled to quit his country for political reasons, had withdrawn all his Corinthian capital, and settled at Tarquinii, an Etruscan city.
Having fallen in love with a lady of the place, or, more poetically speaking, deposited his affections in an Etruscan vase, he became a husband to her, and the father of two children, named respectively Lucumo and Aruns. Poor Aruns had a very brief run, and soon met his death; but we cannot say how or where, for we have no report of the meeting. Lucumo married Tanaquil, an Etruscan lady, of great beauty and ambition, who professed to dive into futurity; and, guided by this diving belle, he threw himself into the stream of events, in the hope of being carried onwards by the tide of fortune.
She persuaded him that Tarquinii was a poor place, where nothing was to be done; that his foreign extraction prevented him from being properly drawn out; and that Rome alone could afford him a field wide enough for his vast abilities. Driven by his wife, he jumped up. Lucumo followed his hat as well as he could with his eyes; but his wife was so completely carried away with it, that she declared the circumstance told her he would gain a crown, though it really proved how nearly he had lost one; for until the bird replaced his hat upon his head, there was only a bare possibility of his getting it back again.
The wealth of his wife enabled Lucumo to live in the first style of fashion; and having been admitted to the rights of citizenship, he changed his name to Lucius Tarquinius: for the sake, perhaps, of the sound, in the absence of any sounder reason. He was introduced at Court, where he won the favour of Ancus, who was so much taken by his dashing exterior, that he gave him a commission in the army, as Tribunus Celerum, a sort of Captain of the Guards, who, from the title of Celeres, appear to have been, as we have before observed, the fast men, as opposed to the "slow coaches" of the period.
In the absence of the youths, Tarquinius, who had got the name of Priscus, or the old hand, which he seems to have well deserved, proposed himself as a candidate; and, in a capital electioneering speech, put forth his own merits with such success, that he was voted on to the throne without opposition. The commencement of his reign was not very peaceful, for he was attacked by the Latins; but he gave them a very severe Latin lesson, and, crushing them under his feet, sent them back to that part of Italy forming the lower part of the boot, with the loss of considerable booty.
He, nevertheless, found time for all manner of games; and he instituted the Ludi Magni, which were great sport, in a space he marked out as the Circus Maximus. The position of the Circus was between the Palatine and Aventine Hills, there being a slope on either side, so that the people followed the inclination of nature as well as their own in selecting the spot for spectacular purposes.
In the earliest times a Circus was formed of materials brought by the spectators themselves, who raised temporary scaffolds, from which an unfortunate drop, causing fearful execution among the crowd, would frequently happen.
Tarquinius Priscus, desirous of giving more permanent accommodation to the Roman sight seers, built a Circus capable of containing , persons, and, from its vast superiority in size over other similar buildings, it obtained the distinction of Maximus. In the early days of Rome the amusements of the Circus were limited to the comparatively harmless contests of equestrian speed; and it was not until the city had reached a high state of refinement--cruelty having become refined like everything else--that animals were killed by thousands, and human beings by hundreds at a.
Though Tarquinius is said to have founded the Circus Maximus in commemoration of his victory over the Latins, they were not the only foes whom he might have boasted of vanquishing. Having fought and conquered the Sabines, he took from them Collatr, as a collateral security for their good behaviour; and coming home with a great deal of money, he built the Temple of Jupiter on the capitol.
Tarquinius, being desirous of increasing the army, was opposed by a celebrated augur of the day, one Attus Navius, whose reputation seems to have been well deserved, if the annexed anecdote is to be believed; for it indicates that he could see further into a whetstone than any one who has either gone before or followed him.
Navius declared that augury must determine whether the plan of Tarquinius could be carried out, which caused the latter to ask, sneeringly, whether he knew what he was thinking about. The question was ambiguous, but Navius boldly replied he did, and added, that what Tarquinius proposed to do was perfectly possible. This reproof was literally more cutting than any other that could have been possibly conveyed to the king, who ever afterwards paid the utmost respect to the augurs, of whom he was accustomed thenceforth to say, that the affair of the whetstone proved them to be much sharper blades than he had been willing to take them for.
Having been at war with the Tuscans, whom he vanquished, he was admitted into the ranks of the Kings of Etruria; a position which led him to indulge in the most extravagant desires. He must needs have a crown of gold, which often tears or encumbers the brow it adorns; a throne of ivory, on whose too highly polished surface the foot is apt to slip; and a sceptre, having on its top an eagle, which frequently gives wings to the power it is intended to typify. His robe was of purple, with so costly an edging, that the border exceeded all reasonable limits, and furnished an instance of extravagance carried to the extreme, while the rate at which he went on may be judged from the fact of his always driving four in hand in his chariot.
He did not, however, wholly neglect the useful in his taste for the ornamental; and though his extravagance must have been a drain upon the public pocket, he devoted himself to the more honourable drainage of the lower portions of the city. Tarquinius had reigned about thirty-eight years, when the sons of Ancus Martius, who had been from the first brooding over their own ejection from the throne, carried their brooding so far as to hatch a conspiracy, which, though regarded by the best authorities as a mare's nest, forms one of those "lays" of ancient Rome which tradition gives as part of her history.
The youths, expecting that Tarquinius would secure the. Tarquinius seems to have been in a most accommodating humour, for he is said to have stepped to the door of the palace, to arbitrate between these most un-gentle shepherds, who, pretending that they only came with their hatchets to axe his advice, began to axe him about the head; and while he was endeavouring to act as an arbitrator, they, acting as still greater traitors, cruelly made away with him.
The lictors who stood by must have had their faces and their fasces turned the wrong way, for they administered a beating to the shepherds when, too late, after the regal crown was already cracked beyond the possibility of repair, and the king was almost knocked to pieces before he had time to collect himself. Tarquinius was a practical reformer, and rested his fame on the most durable foundations, among which the still-existing remains of the Cloaca Maxima, or largest common sewer, have already been noticed.
Those who are over nice might feel repugnant to come down to posterity by such a channel; but that country is fortunate indeed in which genius seeks "the bubble reputation" at the mouth of the sewer, instead of in the mouth of the cannon. It must be recorded, to the honour of Tarquinius, that he organised the plebeians, and elevated some of them to the rank of patricians, thus giving vigour to the aristocratic body, which runs the risk of becoming corrupt, and losing its vitality, unless a supply of plebeian life-blood is from time to time poured into it.
This measure would have been followed by other wholesome reforms, but for the short-sighted and selfish policy of the patricians themselves, who could not perceive the fact, full of apparent paradoxes, that if anything is to remain, it must not stand still; that no station can be stationary with safety to itself; and that nothing possessed of vitality can grow old without something new being continually added.
The sixth king of Rome was Servius Tullius, who is said to have been the son of a female in the establishment of Tanaquil. His mother's name was Ocrisia; but there is something vague about the paternity of the boy, which has been assigned sometimes to the Lar, or household god of the establishment, and sometimes to Vulcan.
Whoever may have been the father, it was soon intimated that the child was to occupy a high position; and on one occasion, when sleeping in his cradle, his head was seen to be on fire; but no one was allowed to blow out the poor boy's brains, or otherwise extinguish the flame, which was rapidly consuming the hair on the head of the future heir to the monarchy. The nurses and attendants were ordered to sit down and see the fire burn out of its own accord, which, the tradition says, it did, though common sense says it couldn't; for the unfortunate infant must have died of consumption had he been suffered to blaze away in the cool manner spoken of.
Though of common origin, at least on his mother's side, young Servius Tullius was supposed to have been completely purified by the fire, which warmed the hearts of all who came near him; and not only did the queen adopt him as her own son, but the partial baking had produced such an effect upon his very ordinary clay, that he was treated like a brick required for the foundations of the royal house into which Tarquinius cemented him, by giving him, as a wife, one of the daughters of the royal family.
Tanaquil having kept secret her husband's death, Servius Tullius continued for some time to carry on the business of government, just as. When it was at length felt that the young favourite of fortune had got the reins fairly in his hands, the murder came out, and the barbarous assassination of Tarquinius was published to the multitude.
Servius was the first instance of a king who mounted the throne without the aid of the customary pair of steps, consisting of an election by the Senate, and a confirmation by the Curi. It might have been expected that Servius, when elevated above his own humble stock, might have held his head so high and become so stiff-necked as to prevent him from noticing the rank from which he had sprung; but, on the contrary, he exalted himself by endeavouring to raise others.
His reign was not a continued round of fights, for he preferred the trowel to the sword, and, instead of cutting his name with the latter weapon, he wisely chose to build up his reputation with the former instrument. His first care was to complete the city, to which he added three hills, feeling, perhaps, that his fame would become as ancient as the hills themselves; and with a happy perception that if "walls have ears" they are just as likely to have tongues, he surrounded Rome with a wall, which might speak to future ages of his spirit and enterprise.
He was a friend to insolvent debtors, to whom he gave the benefit of an act of unexampled liberality. Desiring them to make out schedules of their liabilities, he paid off the creditors in a double sense, for they were extremely reluctant to receive the cash, the payment of which cashiered their claim on the person and possessions of their debtors. He abolished imprisonment for debt, giving power to creditors over the goods and not the persons--or, as an ingenious scholar has phrased it, the bona and not the bones--of their debtors.
The Latins, the Romans, and the Sabines, were every year to celebrate a sort of union sacrifice on this spot, where the cutting up and cooking of oxen formed what may be termed a joint festival. It happened that a Sabine agriculturist had reared a prize heifer, which caused quite an effervescence among his neighbours, and taking the bull quietly by the horns, he asked the augur what it would be meet for him to do with it.
The soothsayer looked at the bull, who turned his brilliant bull's eye upon the astonished sage, with a sort of supercilious stare that almost amounted to a glaring oversight. The augur, not liking the look of the animal, and anxious, no doubt, to put an end to the interview, declared that whoever sacrificed the beast to Diana, off-hand, would benefit his race, and cause his nation to rule over the other confederates.
The animal was led away with a shambling gait to the sacred shambles, where the Roman priest was waiting to set his hand to any Bull that might be presented to him. Seeing the Sabine preparing to act as slaughterman, the pontiff became tiffy, and suggested, that if the other was going to do the job, he might as well do it with clean hands, upon which the Sabine rushed to the river to take a finger bath.
While the owner was occupied about his hands the Roman priest took advantage of the pause to slaughter the animal, and, on his return, the Sabine found that he had unintentionally washed his hands of the business altogether. The oracle was thus fulfilled in favour of the Romans, who trumpeted the fact through the bull's horns, which were hung up in front of the temple in memory of this successful piece of priest-craft.
The growing popularity of Servius with the plebs made the patricians. It happened that Servius, in the hope of propitiating the two sons of Tarquinius, had given them his two daughters as their wives, though it was a grievous mistake to suppose that family marriages are usually productive of family union. Jealousy and quarrelling ensued, which ended in the elder, Tullia, persuading her sister's husband Lucius Tarquinius to murder his own brother and his own wife, in order that he might make a match with the lump of female brimstone that had inflamed his brutal passions.
Not satisfied with the double murder, which would have qualified her new husband to be struck in the hardest wax and to occupy chambers among the worst of horrors, Tullia was always whispering into his ear that she wished her father farther, and by this demoniac spell she worked on the weak and wicked mind of Lucius Tarquinius.
It having been reported that Servius Tullus intended to crown his own reign by uncrowning himself, and exchanging, as it were, the royal stock for consuls, the patricians thought it would be a good opportunity to speculate for a fall, by attempting the king's overthrow.
Tullia and her husband were asked to join in this conspiracy, when it was found that the wretched and corrupt pair would be quite ripe for any enormity. It was arranged, therefore, that Lucius Tarquinius, at a meeting of the Senate, should go down to the House with all the insignia of royalty, and, having seated himself upon the throne, the trumpeters in attendance were, by one vigorous blow, to proclaim him as the sovereign.
When Servius heard the news he proceeded to the Assembly, where all things--including the trumpets--seemed to be flourishing in favour of the traitor. As the sound of the instruments fell upon the old king's ears, he seemed to tremble for a moment before the rude blast which threatened the blasting of all his benevolent views, but calling out from the doorway in which he stood, he rebuked the insolence and treachery of his son-in-law.
A disgraceful scene ensued, in which other blows than those of the trumpeters were exchanged, and Servius, who had in vain desired the traitor to "come off the throne," was executing a threat to "pull him off" as well as the old man's strength, or rather, his feebleness, would allow him. The senators were watching the scene with the vulgar interest attaching to a prize fight, and were no doubt backing up the combatants with the ordinary expressions of encouragement, which we can only interpret by our own familiar phrases of, "Go it," "Now then young 'un," "Bravo old 'un," and "Give it him.
Getting immediately on to their legs they again resumed their hostile footing, when Tarquinius being younger and fresher than his antagonist, seized up the old man, now as feeble as an infant in arms, and carried his brutality to such a pitch as to pitch him down the steps of the Senate House. Tullia was driving down to the House to hear the news when her coachman pulled up at the horrid sight of the king lying in the street, but the female fury only ordered the man to "drive on," and it is said that she enforced her directions by flinging a footstool at his head, though, on subjecting the story to the usual tests, we find the footstool without a leg to stand upon.
Servius Tullus had reigned forty-four years, and his memory was cherished for centuries after his death, his birthday being celebrated on the Nones of every month, because he was known to have been born on some nones, but which.
We have already noticed the wall of Servius, but we must not forget the Agger, or mound, connected with it, the value of which was equal to that of the wall itself, and, indeed, those who give the preference to the Agger over the wall do not much ex-aggerate.
There remains to this day a great portion of the mound, which was sixty feet high and fifty broad, skirted with flag stones towards the outer side, and the Romans no doubt would derive more security from laying down their flags on the outer wall than from hanging out their banners.
The greatest work, however, of the reign of Servius was the reform of the Constitution, which he constructed with a view to the reconciling of the wide differences between the patricians and the plebeians, so as to form one powerful body by making somebodies of those who had hitherto been treated as nobodies. Besides the orders of patricians and plebeians, whose position was determined by descent alone, Servius thought there were many who might be connected together by a tie proper to them all, namely, that of property.
He accordingly established a census to be held every five years, in which the name of every one who had come to man's estate was put down, together with the amount of his other estate, if he was lucky enough to have any.
Each class was divided into seniors and juniors, the former being men between forty-five and sixty; the latter, including all below forty-five and above seventeen, at which early age, though frequently not bearded themselves, they were expected to go forth and beard the enemy.
Of these centuries there were altogether one hundred and ninety-three; but, instead of every individual member being allowed a separate vote, the suffrage was distributed amongst classes according to their wealth or the number of asses they possessed, a principle which the opponent of a mere property qualification will regard as somewhat asinine. Though the equestrian centuries comprised the richest class, they seem to have been in one respect little better than beggars on horseback, for each eques received from the treasury a sum for the purchase of his horse and an annual grant for its maintenance.
The amount was levied. The Assembly of the Centuries was a grand step towards self-government, and, though many may think that wealth had an actual preponderance, it was always possible for a member of a lower class to get into a higher, and thus an inducement to self-advancement was secured, which is, certainly, not one of the least useful ends of government.
There were numerous instances of energetic Romans rising from century to century with a rapidity showing that they were greatly in advance of the age, or, at all events, of the century in which they were originally placed by their lot, or rather by their little. Servius introduced into Rome the Etruscan As, of the value of which we can give no nearer notion than by stating the fact that a Roman sheep was worth about ten Etruscan asses.
To the poorer classes these coins could have been of little service, and by way of small change they were permitted to use shells, from which we no doubt get the phrase of "shelling out," a quaint expression sometimes used to describe the process of paying. In some parts of the world shells are still current as cash, and even among ourselves fish are employed at cards as the representatives of money.
Though in ordinary use for the smaller purposes of commerce, shells were not receivable as taxes, for when the Government required the sinews of war it would not have been satisfied with mussels or any other similar substitute. The Roman As was of bronze and stamped on one side with a portrait of Janus, whose two heads we never thought much better than one, though they appeared appropriately on a coin as a sign, perhaps, that people are often made doublefaced by money.
On the other side was the prow of a ship, which might be emblematical of the fact that money is necessary to keep one above water. In the time of Servius all were expected to arm themselves according to their means, and the richest were thoroughly clad in bronze for the protection of their persons, while the poorer, who could not afford anything of the kind, were obliged to trust for their self-defence to their own natural metal.
The patricians carried a clypeus, or shield, of such dimensions as to cover frequently the whole body, and by hiding himself behind it the wearer often escaped a hiding from the enemy.
The material of which the clypeus was composed was wood covered with a bull's skin that had been so thoroughly tanned as to afford safety against the severest leathering. Carrying his hostility beyond the grave, Tarquinius refused to bury his animosity, or to grant his victim a funeral.
The upstart nature of the new king gained for him the nickname of Superbus, or the proud, though he had as little to be proud of as some of the most contemptible characters in history. He, however, asserted himself with so much audacity, that the people were completely overawed by his pretensions, and many made away with themselves, to insure their lives, by a sort of Irish policy, against Tarquin's violence. He took away the privileges of the plebeians, and sent many to the scaffold, by employing them as common bricklayers; but there were several who preferred laying violent hands on themselves, to laying a single brick of the magnificent buildings which he planned, in the hope, perhaps, that the splendour of the constructions of his reign would induce posterity to place the best construction on his character.
He coolly assumed the whole administration of the law, and added the office of executioner to that of judge, while he combined with both the character of a criminal, by seizing the property of all those whom he punished, and thus adding robbery to violence.
To prevent the possibility of a majority against him in the Senate, he cut off several of the heads of that body; and though he never condescended to submit to the Assembly a single question, he treated the unhappy members as if they had much to answer for.
Finding the continued ill-treatment of his own people getting rather monotonous, he sought the pleasures of variety, by harassing the Volscians, whom he robbed of a sufficient sum to enable him to commence a temple to Jupiter. Bricks and mortar soon ran up above the estimated cost; and Tarquin had scarcely built the lower floor, when he came to the old story of shortness of funds, which he supplied by making the people pay as well as work, and taxing at once their time and their pockets.
This temple was on the Capitoline Hill; and it is said that in digging the foundations the workmen hit upon a freshly-bleeding human head, which, of course, must be regarded as an idle tale; nor would it be right for history to hold an elaborate inquest on this head, since it would be impossible to find a verdict without having first found the body.
The augur, whose duty it was to be ready to interpret anything that turned up, no sooner saw the head, than putting upon it the best face he could, he declared it to be a sign that Rome was destined to be the head of the world--an obvious piece of fulsome adulation, worthy of being offered to the flattest of flats, by one disposed to flatter.
The temple itself was a great fact, notwithstanding the numerous fictions that are told concerning it; and there is little doubt that though, as some say, Tarquinius Priscus the old one may have begun it, Tarquinius Superbus put to it the finishing touch, and surmounted it with a chariot and four in baked clay, which, had it been preserved to this day, would have been one of the most interesting of Potter's Antiquities.
It is said that Tarquin was waited upon by a female, who brought with her nine books,. The King pooh-poohed the proposition, on the ground of the exorbitant price, and desired her to be off with the books, when she solemnly advised him not to off with the bargain. Finding him obstinate, the woman, who was, it seems, a sibyl, and eked out her bookseller's profits by the business of a prophetess, threw into the flames three of the volumes, which, assuming, for a few minutes, the aspect of illuminated copies, soon left no traces--not even a spark--of any genius by which they might have been inspired.
The sibyl, soon after, paid a second visit to Tarquin, bringing with her the six remaining volumes; and having asked in vain the same sum for the imperfect copy as she had done for the whole work, she went through a sort of second edition of Burns, by throwing three more of her books into the fire. To the surprise of Tarquin, she appeared a third time with her stock of books, now reduced to three; and upon the King's observing to her "What do you want for these? The King, astonished at the woman's pertinacity, resolved at last to send for a valuer, to look at the books, who declared them to be well worth the money.
They contained a variety of remedies for diseases, directions for preparing sacrifices, and other interesting matter, with a collection of the oracles of Cum, by way of appendix, so that the volumes formed a sort of encyclopdia, embracing the advantages of a Cookery Book, a Buchan's Domestic Medicine, and a Complete Fortune-teller.
Tarquin became the purchaser of these three very odd volumes, which seem to have been estimated less according to their intrinsic value, than the price they had brought; and they were carefully put away in the Temple library. It was the desire of the Government to prevent the people from knowing what these books might contain, and the office of librarian was entrusted to two individuals of illustrious birth, under the idea--not very flattering to aristocracy--that patricians would be found the best promoters of ignorance.
One of these officers, having acted so inconsistently with his rank, as to have imparted some information to a fellow-citizen, was dismissed from his place and thrown into the sea in a bag; so that he may be said, by the heartless punster, to have got the sack in a double meaning. While building operations were going on at home, destruction was being dealt out abroad; and the Gabii being about twelve miles from Rome, were the objects of the King's hostility. Having sent one of his captains against them, who was repulsed by a major force, Tarquinius resolved on trying treachery.
He accordingly despatched his son, Sextus, to complain of ill-treatment at his father's hands, and to implore the pity of the Gabii, who were gabies enough not only to believe the story, but even to appoint Sextus their general. He was ultimately chosen their governor; and finding the Gabii completely in his hands, he sent to his own governor--Tarquinius--to know what to do with them.
The King was in the garden when the messenger arrived; and whenever the latter asked a question, the former made no reply, but kept knocking off the heads of the tallest poppies with his walking-stick. The messenger ventured to intimate, once or twice, that he was waiting for an answer; but the heads of the poppies flying off in all directions, he began to tremble for his own, and he flew off himself, to prevent accidents.
On his return, he mentioned the circumstances to Sextus, who regarded the poppies as emblems of the Gabii; and, indeed, the latter seemed so. Sextus, taking the paternal hint, knocked off several of the heads of the people; and keeping up the allegory to the fullest extent, cut off the flower of the Gabii.
Many of their fairest blossoms perished by a too early blow; and being thus deprived of what might fairly be termed its primest pick, the soil was soon planted with the victorious standards of Tarquinius. He, however, instead of introducing any apple of discord, judiciously grafted the Gabian on the Roman stock; and thus cultivated the only really valuable fruits of victory. He dreamed that some eagles had built in his gardens, and that in their temporary absence from the nest, some vultures had breakfasted on the new-laid eggs, and, armed with their beaks, taken possession of the deserted small tenement.
Unable to drive the vultures out of his head, he was anxious to ascertain the meaning of the omen, for he had become so superstitious, that if he saw a sparrow dart from a branch, he regarded it as an emblem that he was himself about to hop the twig in some unexpected manner.
Doubting the efficiency of his own augurs, on whom he was beginning to throw some of the discredit to which prophets in their own country are liable, Tarquin resolved on seeking the aid of foreign talent; and as the omens were worse than Greek to him, he sent to the oracles at Delphi, thinking if the matter was Greek to them they would be able to interpret it.
His messengers to the fortune-tellers were his two sons, Aruns and Titus, together with his nephew, one Lucius Junius Brutus, who, though an extremely sensible young man, was in the habit of playing the fool, in order to avert the suspicions of his uncle.
Though Brutus assumed the look of an idiot, and generally had his eye on vacancy, it was only to conceal the fact that a vacancy on the throne was what he really had his eye upon. Valuable gifts were taken to the oracle, which was slow to speak in the absence of presents. On the strength of a large lump of gold, thus cunningly conveyed to the Priestess, Brutus ventured to ask who would be the next King of Rome, to which she replied by a recommendation that all the applicants should go home to their mothers, for that "he who kissed his mother first should be the one to govern.
When the ambassadors returned to Rome they found Tarquin as nervous as ever; and there is little doubt, that if tea had been known in those days, the King would have sat for ever over his cups, endeavouring to read the grounds for his fears in the grounds of the beverage.
The treasury having been exhausted by his building speculations, the people were growing more dissatisfied every day; and, in order to turn their discontent away from home, he engaged them in a quarrel with Ardea, a city situated on a lofty rock, against which the Romans threw themselves with a sort of dashing energy.
The attempt to take the place by a common. They therefore resolved on hemming the Ardeans in, as there was no chance of whipping them out, and military works were run in a continuous thread round the borders of the city.
The Romans, acting as a sort of army of occupation, had, of course, scarcely any occupation at all; and there being nothing that soldiers find it so difficult to kill as their time, the officers were in the habit of going halves in suppers at each other's quarters. At one of these entertainments the King's sons, and their cousin, one Tarquinius, surnamed Collatinus, from the town of Collatia, were discussing the merits of their respective wives, and each of the officers, with an uxuriousness among the military that the commonest civility would have restrained, was praising his own wife at the expense of all others.
It was at length agreed that the husbands should proceed forthwith to Rome, and that having paid an unexpected visit to all the ladies, the palm should be awarded to her who should be employed in the most praiseworthy way, when thus unceremoniously popped in upon. They first visited the wife of Sextus, who had got a large evening party and ball at home, and who was much confused by this unexpected revelation of her midnight revels.
Sextus consoles herself with a Little Party. Sextus at once admitted that Collatinus had indeed got a treasure of a wife, and the officers returned to the camp; but a few evenings afterwards, availing himself of the introduction of her husband, Sextus paid the lady a second visit.
Being a kinsman, he was asked to make himself at home, but his manner became so strange, that Lucretia could not make him out; and as he did not seem disposed to go home till morning, she retired to her chamber, with the impression, no doubt, that being left alone in the sitting-room he would take the hint, order his horse, and proceed to his lodgings.
Lucretia was, however, disturbed in the middle of the night by Sextus, who was standing over her with a drawn sword, and who was guilty of such brutal insolence, that she sent a messenger, the first thing in the morning, to fetch her husband from Ardea, and her father from Rome, who speedily arrived with his friend, P. Valerius, a highly respectable man, who afterwards got the name of Publicola.
Collatinus brought with him L. Brutus, and Lucretia having rapidly run through the story of her wrongs, she still more rapidly run through herself before any one had time to arrest the.
Revenge against Tarquin and his whole race was instantly sworn, in a sort of quartette, by the four friends, and L. Brutus, snatching up the dagger, made a great point of it in a speech he addressed to the people in the market place. Indignation was now thoroughly roused against the Tarquin family, and Brutus, proceeding to Rome, called a public meeting in the Forum.
He opened the business of the day by stating what had been done, and having made his deposition he proposed the deposition of the king; when it was moved, by way of amendment, and carried unanimously, that the resolution should be extended by the addition of the words, "and the banishment of his wife and family. There history loses sight of the old king, but Sextus has been traced to Gabii, a principality of which he thought he was the head; but the people soon undeceived him, by showing him they would have no head at all, for they cut him off one day in a tumult.
Tullia had fled, and it is not known whither; but mercy to the fallen king would lead us to hope that the queen had gone in a different direction from that which he had taken. The Ardeans agreed to a truce for fifteen years--a somewhat lengthy letter of license--during which all hostile proceedings were to be stayed, and the people decreed the total abolition of the kingly dignity. The royal stock was converted, as it were, into consuls, and L.
Junius Brutus, with L. Tarquinius Collatinus, were elected for one year, to fill the latter character. Before closing an account of what is usually termed the kingly period of the history of Rome, it is due to truth to state, that though some of the alleged kings were good and others were bad, they must all be considered as very doubtful characters.
The fact of their existence depends on no better authority than certain annals, compiled more than a century and a half after the materials for compiling them had been destroyed; and we are thus driven to rely upon the statements of certain story-tellers, belonging, we fear, to a class, whose memories, according to the proverb, ought to be excellent.
In pretending to recollect what they never knew, they have sometimes forgotten themselves, and in building up their stories, they have shown how mere fabrication may raise an ostensibly solid fabric. Of the seven kings, who are said to have ruled in Rome during a period of nearly two hundred and fifty years, three or four were murdered; another subsided in a bog, and another ran for his life, which he saved by his speed, though he was the last of the race of royalty.
It is difficult to spread these seven sovereigns over a space of two centuries and a half, and we feel that we might as well attempt to cover an acre of bread with a thin slice of ham, or turn the river Thames into negus by throwing a few glasses of sherry into it.
Of the earliest Roman annals, some were burnt, leaving nothing to the student but the tinder, from which it is, in these days, hardly possible to obtain much light, but the greater portion of the early history of Rome has come down to us by tradition, that extraordinary carrier, who is continually adding to the bulk, but diminishing the weight of the matters consigned to it for delivery.
Of the condition of the people at this early period little or nothing can be known, and to amuse ourselves with idle guesses, would be scarcely better than to turn into a game of blindman's buff the.
We can however state, with confidence, that the earliest Romans had no regular coinage, but were in the habit of answering with brass, in the rudest shape, the demands of their creditors. Servius Tullius is reputed to have been the first who converted the brass into coin, and marked it with the figure of a horse or some other animal, as an emblem, perhaps, of the fact, that money runs away very rapidly. Among the early Romans, the most honourable occupations were agriculture and war; the latter enabling the citizens to make a conquest of the soil with the sword, and the former teaching them to subdue it to their purposes by the implements of husbandry.
Trade and commerce were held in contempt, and left to the plebeians; the patrician considering himself suitably employed only when he was thrashing his corn, or performing the same operation on his enemies. During the early existence of the city the native artists were few, and the great works of architecture undertaken by the later kings were embellished by foreign talent from Etruria.
The writing-master had made so little progress in ancient Rome, that it is doubtful whether many of the patricians could write their own names; and even some of the most distinguished characters of the day were men of mark, not only by their position, but by their signatures.
It is not very gratifying to the friends of education to find that though ignorance was almost universal among the early Romans, there was a wholesome tone of morality among the people, which led them, not only to condemn in their traditions the cruelty and laxity of principle prevailing in the family of their last king, but to pay due reverence to the domestic virtues of Lucretia.
The legend of the latter being found spinning with her maids, while the princesses of the house of Tarquin were reeling in the dance, during the absence of their respective husbands, is sufficient to show the estimation in which decency and sobriety were held, as well as the odium that attached to riotous revelry.
It is true this was said at a much later time than that of which we are now writing; but dancing, except in connection with certain ceremonies, was considered degrading by the Romans from the earliest period. His position presents nothing very remarkable to the modern observer, who is accustomed to see those who have denounced a system yesterday participating in the profits of the same system to-day, and declaring their own arguments to be thoroughly out of place, as applied to themselves when in office.
Brutus, however, could not consistently exercise a power he had sworn to overthrow; and to carry out his anti-monarchical principles, he had either to go out himself, or to ask for a colleague. On the same principle that prefers the half quartern to utter loaflessness, Brutus proposed a partnership in the government; and Collatinus was taken into the firm, which proved to have no firmness at all, for it was dissolved very speedily.
The difficulty of agreement between two of the same trade was severely felt by the two popular reformers, who were dividing the substance without the name of that power they had vowed to destroy; it was soon evident that if they had thought it too much for one, they considered it not enough for two; and they were accordingly always quarrelling.
To prevent collision, they tried the experiment of taking the supreme authority by turns, each assuming the fasces for a month at a time; but this alternate chopping of the regal sticks, or fasces, which were the emblems of power, led to nothing satisfactory. Tarquin had retired to Caere, waiting the chances of a restoration of his line; but his line had fallen into such contempt, that he was fishing in vain for his recall, though he nevertheless sent ambassadors to demand the restoration of himself, or at all events of his private property.
The senate decreed that though Tarquin could not have the fasces, he was at liberty to make a bundle of all the other sticks that might belong to him.
On this question Brutus and Collatinus were violently opposed, and both becoming hot, their excessive warmth led to a mutual coolness that ended in an open hostility, which shut out every hope of compromise. Collatinus gave in by going out, and was succeeded by P. Valerius, one of the party of four who had roused the popular spirit over the bier of Lucretia.
Tarquin's ambassadors, instead of being satisfied with the permission to remove his goods, had other objects in the back-ground; for they had a plan for his restoration in the rear, while they let nothing appear in the van, but the late king's furniture. The plot was being discussed after dinner, by a party of the conspirators, when one of the waiters, who had concealed himself behind the door, overheard the scheme, and ran to Valerius with the exclusive intelligence.
The traitors were secured, and when they were brought up before the consuls, Brutus recognising among the offenders his two sons, subjected both them and himself to a very severe trial.
Asking them what they had to say to the charge, and. In leaving the other prisoners to be tried by Valerius, Brutus whispered to his colleague, "Now try them, and acquit them, if you can;" but he could only execute the law, and the law could only execute the criminals.
The ambassadors were allowed to remain at large, though their plotting proved that they had been at something very little; and the government withdrew the permission that had been granted for the removal of Tarquin's goods, which were divided by means of a scramble among the populace.
Thus Tarquin, who had broken the twenty valuable tables of Servius, was doomed to have the tables turned upon him by the destruction of his own, while every leaf of the former was restored under the Consular government. The landed estates of the Tarquins were distributed among the plebeians, so that the banished family had no chance of recovering their lost ground, which was afterwards known as the Field of Mars, or Campus Martius.
The corn on the confiscated property was ripe; but the people felt a conscientious objection to consuming the produce which no labour of their own had reared; and they did not allow the tyrant's grain to outweigh their honest scruple. Throwing all idea of profit overboard, they cast the corn into the Tiber, which, it is said, was so shallow, that the sheaves stuck in the mud, and formed the small island known as the Insula Tiberina.
That a piece of land, however small, should be formed by a crop of corn, however plentiful, is difficult to believe: but the story of the wheat can only find reception from the very longest ears; for common sense will admit that in the effort to give credit to the tale, it must go thoroughly against the grain on a proper sifting of all the evidence.
Tarquin relinquishing his hopes of a restoration by stratagem, resolved on resorting to strategy, and brought into the field a large army, of which the Veii formed a considerable part, and his son Aruns headed the Etruscan cavalry. The Roman consuls commanded their own forces; Valerius being at the head of the foot, and Brutus mounted on a clever cob, with a strong sword, that might be called a useful hack, taking the lead of the equestrians. When Aruns entered the field, he recognised Brutus in Tarquin's cloak, and the young man felt the blood mantling with indignation into his cheek at the first sight of the mantle.